Bodies on the Streets: 15 Years of State Violence and Lost Lives in Bangladesh (2009–July 2024)

The Political Landscape in Bangladesh (2009–2024)

A Democracy in Name, An Autocracy in Practice

It began with hope. In 2008, after two years of emergency rule by an unelected military-backed caretaker government, Bangladesh’s return to democracy was hailed as a new dawn. The Awami League (AL), under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina, swept to power with a landslide victory in December of that year, promising stability, development, and a future free of corruption and political violence.

But what followed was not the flourishing of democracy that many Bangladeshis had longed for. Instead, over the next fifteen years, Bangladesh descended into authoritarian rule, where dissent was crushed, opposition silenced, and democracy hollowed out. What remained was a facade—elections were held, but the results were preordained; parliament sat, but it served as a rubber stamp for executive decisions; the press existed, but at the cost of toeing the government line or facing ruin.

This was a systematic erosion of democratic institutions, orchestrated from the top and enforced with ruthless efficiency by the machinery of the state.

The Rise and Consolidation of Awami League Power

Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League took office in early 2009 with widespread public support. Years of instability, the violent rivalry between the AL and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), and the abuses of the caretaker regime had left the country yearning for order. Hasina’s government promised “Digital Bangladesh”—development, progress, and modernization.

But the AL was not content with a single term in power. It sought to reshape Bangladesh’s political system to ensure permanent control. The first move came in 2011 when the AL-dominated parliament abolished the system of the non-partisan caretaker government, which had overseen elections since 1996 to prevent fraud and violence. The Supreme Court declared the caretaker system unconstitutional, but it recommended that it be used for two more elections. The Awami League ignored that recommendation.

The 15th Amendment to the Constitution, passed in June 2011, allowed sitting governments to oversee elections—effectively ending the neutrality of the electoral process. The opposition BNP, civil society, and international observers raised alarm bells, warning that this would undermine democracy. They were right.

The Sham Elections and the Death of Electoral Democracy

In 2014, Bangladesh held one of its most controversial elections in history. The BNP and its allies, demanding the restoration of the caretaker system, boycotted the polls. As a result, 153 out of 300 parliamentary seats were uncontested; the ruling AL and its allies won nearly half the seats without a single vote being cast.

The elections were marked by low voter turnout, allegations of ballot-stuffing, and violence. It was an election without real opposition—an exercise in political theater that delivered absolute power to Sheikh Hasina’s party.

The 2018 elections made a mockery of democratic norms. Pre-election violence and mass arrests of BNP activists set the stage. On voting day, reports of ballot boxes being stuffed the night before, polling agents from opposition parties being barred from entering voting stations, and voters being intimidated were widespread. Despite these irregularities, the Awami League claimed a sweeping victory, winning 288 out of 300 seats. The scale of the victory was so implausible that many dismissed it as an engineered result, a “predetermined outcome” orchestrated by a government that had already destroyed the institutions of electoral accountability.

Crackdown on Opposition and Political Dissent

With its grip on power cemented, the Awami League waged an all-out war on its political opponents. The BNP, once the main rival in Bangladesh’s two-party system, was reduced to a hollowed-out shell. Its leaders were jailed or exiled, most notably Khaleda Zia, the party’s chairperson and a former prime minister, who was convicted on corruption charges widely seen as politically motivated.

Tens of thousands of BNP activists were arrested on often flimsy or fabricated charges. Public gatherings were banned or violently dispersed. BNP’s organizational structure was systematically dismantled through a combination of legal harassment, arbitrary detention, and police violence.

The suppression extended beyond the BNP. Left-wing student groups, labor unions, and Islamist parties like Jamaat-e-Islami also faced bans, arrests, and extrajudicial killings. Anyone perceived as a threat to the regime’s grip on power became a target.

Weaponizing the Judiciary and Legal System

The legal system, which should have been a bulwark against state abuses, was instead co-opted. The judiciary lost its independence; judges who did not toe the government line were pressured, transferred, or silenced.

High-profile cases, like that of Khaleda Zia, showed how the judiciary was used to eliminate political competition. The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) was weaponized, focusing almost exclusively on opposition figures while ignoring corruption within the ruling party.

The Digital Security Act (DSA) of 2018 became a powerful tool to silence dissent. Ostensibly designed to combat cybercrime, the law was used to criminalize free speech, jail critics, and intimidate journalists. Under its provisions, social media posts criticizing government policies could land a person in prison. Journalists and human rights defenders became prisoners of conscience, locked up for daring to speak out.

A Muzzled Media and Crushed Civil Society

Bangladesh’s once-vibrant media landscape became a shadow of its former self. Independent newspapers and TV channels faced closure, advertising boycotts, and legal harassment. Editors and reporters were jailed, threatened, or forced into exile. Self-censorship became the norm, with few daring to publish stories critical of the government.

High-profile media figures like Shafik Rehman, Mahmudur Rahman, and Rozina Islam faced imprisonment or harassment. Even international media came under attack; Al Jazeera’s 2021 exposé “All the Prime Minister’s Men” was dismissed by the government as a “smear campaign,” and efforts were made to block access to the report within Bangladesh.

Civil society organizations, particularly those focusing on human rights, came under intense pressure. NGOs were forced to register with the government, and funding from foreign donors was restricted. The most vocal groups, like Odhikar, which documented enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, faced legal cases, deregistration, and the arrest of their leaders.

The Climate of Fear: Repression as a Way of Life

By 2024, repression had become institutionalized. Bangladeshis lived in a climate of fear, where speaking out could mean disappearance, imprisonment, or death. Activists disappeared, journalists were jailed, students were attacked, and opposition leaders languished in prison. Dissent had been criminalized, and conformity had been enforced by the barrel of a gun.

The July Uprising of 2024, though beyond the scope of this context, was the inevitable eruption of anger and frustration that had been building for fifteen years. A population pushed to the brink by state violence and impunity finally rose, though at great cost.

Summary of the Political Context (2009–2024)

• Democracy undermined: Through constitutional amendments and election rigging.
• Opposition destroyed: By imprisonment, exile, and violent crackdowns.
• Legal system compromised: Courts and commissions weaponized against dissenters.
• Media and civil society muzzled: Through censorship, intimidation, and legal persecution.
• Repression normalized: Fear and violence as instruments of governance.

Militarization of Security Forces – The Enforcers of Repression (2009–2024)

Introduction: The Iron Fist Behind the Throne

While Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League government cemented its hold on political power through constitutional changes, election engineering, and judicial manipulation, the real engine of fear was its security forces.

In democracies, law enforcement serves the people. In Bangladesh from 2009 to 2024, they served the government.
Wearing the uniforms of public servants, they operated as enforcers—silencing opposition, smashing protests, and executing critics. For fifteen long years, the sound of gunfire and the sight of bloodied bodies on the streets became a grimly familiar pattern, reminding Bangladeshis of who truly wielded power.

This was not random violence. It was a calculated campaign, sanctioned from the highest offices and carried out by forces given license to kill.

Bangladesh Police – From Protectors to Predators

Once tasked with maintaining law and order, the Bangladesh Police transformed into a political weapon, their mission warped by the government’s obsession with suppressing dissent.

Recruitment and Expansion

Between 2009 and 2024, the Bangladesh Police force expanded dramatically. Budgets soared. New battalions were raised. The government often spoke of “modernization,” showcasing new armored vehicles, riot gear, and surveillance systems. But beneath this veneer was the harsh truth: they were being built into a paramilitary force, with riot suppression, crowd control, and lethal enforcement as their core functions.

Violence as First Response

Time and again, police met protests with overwhelming force. Peaceful marches, student demonstrations, and worker strikes were treated as insurrections to be put down.

• 2010: Garment Workers in Chittagong – Workers demanding a raise in their meager wages were met with bullets instead of negotiations. Police fired live rounds, killing at least three people and injuring hundreds. One eyewitness recalled: “We ran when they fired into the crowd. I saw one of my coworkers fall. He didn’t get up.”
• 2013: Shapla Square – Police led the deadly midnight assault, lobbing stun grenades and firing into the darkness. Survivors said the police shot people who had already surrendered, executing them in cold blood.

Crushing the Opposition

In election seasons—particularly in 2014 and 2018—the police became election enforcers.

• BNP rallies were banned, their leaders and activists rounded up en masse.
• In the weeks leading up to the 2018 election, at least 4,000 opposition members were arrested under dubious charges.
• Police officers, in plain view of witnesses, stuffed ballot boxes at some polling stations.

Routine Torture and Custodial Deaths

Custodial torture became commonplace. Detainees—often picked up for nothing more than social media posts critical of the government—described being beaten, electrocuted, and denied medical care.
Between 2014 and 2021, human rights organizations documented dozens of custodial deaths, many involving people tortured beyond recognition. Investigations—if they happened at all—were whitewashed. Officers accused of torture were promoted.
The message was clear: brutality was not punished—it was rewarded.

Industrial Police – Guardians of Corporate Profit, Killers of Workers

Formed in 2010, the Industrial Police (IP) were designed to protect the interests of the ready-made garment (RMG) sector, Bangladesh’s economic backbone. But in reality, they operated as a private army for factory owners, paid for by the state.

Suppressing Labor Movements

• In 2010, within months of the Industrial Police’s formation, they were deployed in Chittagong, Ashulia, and Gazipur to crush mass protests by garment workers demanding a minimum wage increase. Instead of dialogue, the IP fired rubber bullets and tear gas, killing at least three workers. Eyewitnesses told journalists they saw officers shoot at fleeing protesters, not just those on the frontlines.
• 2016, Banshkhali – When villagers and workers protested a Chinese-backed coal power plant, Industrial Police were called in. Joined by local police, they opened fire on protesters, killing at least four people. An 18-year-old, shot through the chest, bled out because ambulances were blocked by security forces.

Protecting Exploitative Employers

The Industrial Police didn’t just crack down on large protests. They also conducted “preemptive raids” on union offices, detained labor leaders, and disrupted organizing efforts.
When workers protested factory fires, wage theft, or sexual harassment, the Industrial Police were quickly deployed—not to address grievances but to break heads.

Culture of Impunity

Despite killing dozens of workers and injuring hundreds more, no Industrial Police officer was ever held accountable. Reports filed by victims’ families were dismissed or delayed until they were silenced through intimidation.

One labor leader, who later fled the country, said in a 2022 interview:
“They don’t care if we live or die. The factories must stay open, and we must stay quiet. That’s their only mission.”

Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) – Bangladesh’s Death Squad

When the Rapid Action Battalion was first introduced in 2004, it was branded as a counterterrorism unit. But by 2009, under Awami League rule, RAB became a tool for state terror.

Extrajudicial Executions

RAB was infamous for “crossfire” deaths, a euphemism for extrajudicial killings. Victims were often picked up by plainclothes officers, tortured into confessing crimes, and then shot dead in staged encounters.
Between 2009 and 2021, human rights groups estimated that RAB carried out well over 1,200 extrajudicial killings.

Disappearing the Opposition

• During political unrest, RAB was used to disappear BNP activists, student leaders, and Islamists suspected of opposing the regime.
• Families who asked questions were often harassed or threatened into silence.
• In some cases, RAB returned the mutilated bodies of the disappeared, often days or weeks later.

International Condemnation

In 2021, the United States imposed sanctions on RAB and six of its top commanders under the Global Magnitsky Act. The sanctions cited gross human rights abuses, including enforced disappearances, extrajudicial executions, and systemic torture.
Despite international outrage, inside Bangladesh, RAB remained untouchable. The government defended them as “guardians of peace”, and the media, under state pressure, often ignored their crimes.

The Cost of Speaking Out

Families of victims who sought justice became targets themselves. Human rights groups like Odhikar, which documented RAB’s abuses, faced lawsuits, office raids, and the arrest of their leadership.

One mother, whose son was killed in a RAB “crossfire,” said in 2019:
“I just want to know why they killed him. But they said, ‘If you keep asking, you’ll lose your other son too.’ So now I say nothing.”

Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) – From Border Control to Protest Suppression

Once responsible for protecting the country’s frontiers, the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) became a domestic force of repression during the Awami League’s rule. No longer confined to border security, the BGB was routinely deployed inside Bangladesh to suppress protests, enforce lockdowns, and support the police and RAB in crackdowns.

An Expanding Mandate

After the 2009 BDR mutiny, where disgruntled border guards revolted against their officers in a deadly massacre, the force was restructured and renamed Border Guard Bangladesh. But instead of focusing on rebuilding morale or professionalizing border control, the government expanded the BGB’s mission:

• They became a rapid deployment force, frequently called upon during political unrest.
• BGB personnel were armed with military-grade weaponry and given shoot-to-kill directives during protests and demonstrations.

Role in Deadly Crackdowns

• 2013: Shapla Square Massacre
  The BGB played a frontline role in the nighttime assault on Hefazat-e-Islam protesters. Eyewitnesses reported BGB troops using live ammunition, firing from armored personnel carriers, and hunting down fleeing protesters.
• 2019: Bhola Massacre (Borhanuddin)
  During protests sparked by allegations of blasphemy, BGB troops, alongside police, opened fire on demonstrators. Four people were shot dead, including teenagers and students, and dozens more were maimed. The image of bloodied bodies being dragged off the streets by grieving relatives became a lasting symbol of state violence.
• 2021: Anti-Modi Protests in Brahmanbaria
  BGB troops were deployed alongside police to crush Hefazat-e-Islam-led demonstrations against Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit. In Brahmanbaria, at least five protesters were shot dead, many killed by BGB fire, according to human rights reports.

Military Tactics Against Civilians

The BGB frequently bypassed crowd-control protocols and relied on military engagement strategies, treating protesters as enemy combatants rather than citizens.

• Eyewitness accounts from Brahmanbaria describe BGB soldiers firing without warning, often targeting the upper body and head, resulting in high fatality rates.
• Families of victims rarely received justice. Instead, they were often intimidated by local authorities or forced to accept hushed compensations in exchange for silence.

A Culture of Impunity – The License to Kill

Across Bangladesh’s militarized security forces—the Police, RAB, BGB, and Industrial Police—one thing remained constant: impunity.

No Accountability

• Internal investigations were non-existent or symbolic.
• Even when video evidence surfaced—such as during the 2018 Road Safety Protests, where footage of police and ruling party thugs beating schoolchildren went viral—there were no prosecutions.
• Instead of being held accountable, officers involved in shootings were promoted, or quietly reassigned to more sensitive postings, often in volatile regions where state violence was needed most.

Justifications and Denials

Every time state forces opened fire, government spokespeople and ruling party loyalists offered cynical justifications:

• “They were violent protesters.”
• “They attacked first.”
• “The security forces were acting in self-defense.”
• “There was no alternative.”

These scripted defenses followed every massacre:

• After the Shapla Square massacre, officials claimed no one had died in the clearing operation, even as morgues filled with bullet-riddled corpses.
• In Bhola, after BGB and police shot into a crowd, ministers insisted that “law enforcement had exercised restraint.”
• During the 2022 BNP protests, the police claimed those killed were victims of their own violence, not state gunfire, despite medical reports showing bullet wounds.

Silencing the Truth

Those who dared to speak out faced harassment, jail, or worse.

• Odhikar, the human rights organization that meticulously documented abuses, was stripped of its registration and its leaders jailed.
• Journalists like Rozina Islam faced espionage charges for reporting on corruption and abuse in the health sector, a thinly veiled warning to others.

Even international condemnation was met with nationalist rhetoric and defiant denial. When the US sanctioned RAB, the government accused Washington of meddling in internal affairs and painted human rights defenders as agents of foreign interests.

Final Reflection: What Militarization Has Done to Bangladesh

Fifteen years of militarized governance has scarred Bangladesh’s soul.

A Climate of Fear

• Citizens lower their voices in tea stalls and avoid discussing politics openly.
• Families warn their children not to participate in protests, lest they disappear or come home in a body bag.
• Survivors of crackdowns carry not just physical wounds, but psychological trauma. Some refuse to give interviews, still afraid of state retribution, even years later.

A Generation Grown Up Under Threat

An entire generation has grown up in a country where state violence is normal, where “crossfire” deaths are reported with casual indifference, and where justice is a foreign concept.

• For many young Bangladeshis, fear of security forces is second nature.
• Police aren’t seen as protectors, but as agents of arbitrary punishment.
• The belief that protesting can lead to death is deeply ingrained.

A Broken Social Contract

The social contract between the government and its people—where the state guarantees safety and rights in exchange for loyalty—has been shattered.

• In its place is a culture of control, where the people exist at the mercy of those with guns.
• The regime survives through violence and coercion, not consent or legitimacy.

Closing This Section: Militarization as a Tool of Tyranny

What began as efforts to maintain order became a blueprint for tyranny.
From the first bullet fired at a garment worker in Chittagong in 2010, to the last protester gunned down in the July Uprising of 2024, Bangladesh’s security forces enforced a brutal system where the value of human life was measured in its obedience to power.

These were not isolated events or one-off abuses. They were the consequence of a state that chose the gun over dialogue, fear over freedom, and death over dissent.

Timeline of Bloodshed: Major Incidents (2009–July 2024)

A Chronicle of State Violence and Lost Lives

For fifteen years, Bangladesh’s ruling regime treated dissent not as a democratic right but as a threat to be crushed. Students, workers, farmers, ethnic minorities, and opposition supporters paid the price in blood. These were not spontaneous outbreaks of violence; they were systematic, deliberate crackdowns, carried out by security forces with the sanction of the state.

Here is their story—a timeline not just of dates and numbers, but of lives lost, dreams shattered, and a nation’s conscience scarred.

2010: Garment Workers Gunned Down in Chittagong

Date: December 12, 2010

Location: Chittagong Export Processing Zone (CEPZ)

Fatalities: At least 3 confirmed dead (some reports suggest 4)

Victims: Garment factory workers

The Protest

On a sweltering December morning, thousands of garment workers from Chittagong’s Export Processing Zone took to the streets. They were demanding the implementation of a promised wage increase—the government had announced a new minimum wage structure, but many factories were refusing to comply. The workers marched peacefully, chanting slogans, some carrying placards demanding “fair pay for honest work.”

The Crackdown

By midday, the industrial police and local law enforcement had moved in. Without warning, they opened fire. Live bullets tore through the crowd, sending workers running in panic.

• Three men were killed on the spot. One of them, witnesses said, was a young man named Faruk, who was struck in the chest as he tried to help a fallen coworker.
• Over 250 others were injured, some maimed for life.

The Aftermath

The government defended the shooting, claiming the workers had turned violent. But workers and rights groups said it was a massacre, meant to send a message: demanding rights was punishable by death.
The funerals were tense affairs. Police monitored mourners, warning against further protests. The families of the dead were left to grieve in silence, their demands for justice ignored.

2013: A Year Drenched in Blood

2013 was a turning point—a year when state violence escalated to unprecedented levels. Islamist protests, labor unrest, and opposition strikes were met with indiscriminate gunfire, leaving hundreds dead.

February 28, 2013: Death Sentences Spark Riots and Killings

Location: Multiple districts (Gaibandha, Bogura, Cox’s Bazar, and more)

Fatalities: At least 30 killed in a single day

The Trigger

The International Crimes Tribunal sentenced Jamaat-e-Islami leader Delwar Hossain Sayeedi to death for war crimes during Bangladesh’s 1971 liberation war. The verdict unleashed violent protests by Jamaat supporters, many of them ordinary madrasa students, poor farmers, and villagers.

The State’s Response

Police and BGB were deployed nationwide. In places like Gaibandha and Cox’s Bazar, security forces opened fire on crowds of protesters.

• Villagers were shot trying to block roads.
• Teenage madrasa students were gunned down outside mosques.

The Aftermath

By nightfall, 30 bodies lay in morgues across the country. In the following weeks, dozens more died, as protests raged and state repression intensified.
But there was no investigation, no accountability. The government said the deaths were necessary to protect national stability.
In reality, it was a mass execution, thinly veiled by official propaganda.

May 5–6, 2013: Shapla Square Massacre (Revisited)

(For brevity, this event was covered in detail earlier. This is a brief recap here in timeline form.)

• Location: Motijheel, Dhaka
• Fatalities: Officially 22–27; independent estimates range from 58 to over 100
• Victims: Hefazat-e-Islam madrasa students, teachers, and supporters
• Cause: Demands for a blasphemy law, anti-government protests
• Response: A night-time military-style assault by police, RAB, and BGB
• Aftermath: Bodies disappeared, families silenced, no accountability.

October 28, 2013: Police Fire on Opposition Protesters

Location: Kutubdia, Cox’s Bazar

Fatalities: 2 killed

Victims: BNP and Jamaat activists, and local villagers

The Protest

The opposition BNP-Jamaat alliance was staging hartals (strikes) demanding neutral elections under a caretaker government. Demonstrators gathered in Kutubdia to block roads and hold rallies.

The Crackdown

Police claimed protesters attacked their station. In response, officers fired live rounds into the crowd, killing two men on the spot. Locals described the police as “shooting anyone who moved.”

• The victims’ families later said they were unarmed, and nowhere near the violence.

The Aftermath

No officer was disciplined. The government labeled the victims “terrorists,” a term used often to justify summary executions.

2016: Banshkhali Coal Plant Protest Turns Deadly

Date: April 4, 2016

Location: Gandamara, Banshkhali, Chattogram

Fatalities: At least 4 villagers (some accounts claim 5)

Victims: Villagers protesting a coal power plant land grab

The Protest

Thousands of villagers had gathered in Gandamara, opposing the construction of a Chinese-financed coal power plant by S. Alam Group. They feared displacement, environmental devastation, and loss of livelihoods.

The Crackdown

Police and BGB moved in. Without warning, they opened fire on the crowd, shooting people as they tried to flee across fields.

• At least four villagers died on the spot. One was a 12-year-old boy, shot while standing by his family’s home.
• Dozens were injured, many paralyzed for life by gunshot wounds.

The Aftermath

The government insisted the protesters were armed “terrorists.” No proof was ever presented.
The S. Alam Group continued its project. The villagers buried their dead and watched their land disappear.

2016 (November): Gobindaganj Santal Evictions Turn Deadly

Date: November 6, 2016

Location: Gobindaganj, Gaibandha

Fatalities: 3 Santal men killed

Victims: Indigenous Santal community members

The Protest

For years, the Santal community had been embroiled in a battle to reclaim ancestral land occupied by the Rangpur Sugar Mill, which was originally leased by the government but never returned. On November 6, after failed negotiations, the mill authorities moved in to evict the Santals, backed by local ruling party cadres, mill workers, and the police.

The Crackdown

As the Santals protested, some carrying bows and arrows, police fired rubber bullets and live rounds.

• Three Santal men were shot dead.
• Videos showed police and local thugs torching Santal homes, forcing hundreds to flee into nearby fields.
• Dozens were wounded, including women and children. One woman described watching her house burn, then seeing her husband gunned down as he tried to retrieve their belongings.

The Aftermath

Despite video evidence of police collusion in arson and killings, no meaningful action was taken.

• A half-hearted investigation blamed “outsiders.”
• The Santals, now homeless, faced harassment when they tried to file formal complaints.
  The evictions continued. The sugar mill resumed operations. The Santals were erased, both from the land and from public consciousness.

2017 (February): Banshkhali Protest Rekindles

Date: February 1, 2017

Location: Banshkhali, Chattogram

Fatalities: 1 protester killed

Victims: Villagers opposing the coal power plant

The Protest

Less than a year after the 2016 Banshkhali massacre, protests flared again as S. Alam Group resumed work on its coal power plant.
Villagers organized a rally demanding justice for the earlier killings and compensation for lost land.

The Crackdown

Police fired live rounds into the crowd after clashes broke out.

• A young protester was killed on the spot, shot in the chest.
• Several others were injured, including women and children.
  Eyewitnesses said the police fired without warning, repeating the same brutal tactics used in 2016.

The Aftermath

The government ignored demands for accountability.

• S. Alam Group called the protesters “saboteurs.”
• Police blocked journalists from entering the area for days after the shooting.

2019 (October): Bhola Massacre – Religion and Repression Collide

Date: October 20, 2019

Location: Borhanuddin, Bhola District

Fatalities: 4 protesters killed (official); activists claim higher

Victims: Islamic protesters under “Touhidi Janata”

The Protest

It started with a Facebook hacking allegation—a Hindu youth was accused of blasphemy. In the volatile atmosphere, thousands gathered in Borhanuddin to protest perceived insult to Islam, demanding justice.

The Crackdown

As tempers flared, protesters surrounded a police station.

• Police and BGB opened fire with live ammunition, allegedly without warning.
• At least four men were killed, many shot in the head and chest, according to autopsy reports.
• Dozens more were seriously injured.

The Aftermath

The government claimed the protest turned violent, justifying the shooting as self-defense.

• Yet survivors said the crowd had no guns or explosives—only sticks and stones.
• Videos showed unarmed protesters fleeing as shots rang out.

Bhola became a symbol of religious anger met with deadly repression.

• Victims’ families received token compensation but no justice.
• Police officers involved in the shooting were promoted, according to leaked reports.

2021 (March): Anti-Modi Protests and the Hathazari Massacre

Date: March 26–27, 2021

Locations: Hathazari (Chattogram), Brahmanbaria

Fatalities: At least 13 killed across multiple locations

Victims: Hefazat-e-Islam supporters, mostly madrasa students

The Protest

Hefazat-e-Islam organized protests against Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit, accusing him of anti-Muslim policies in India.
In Hathazari, thousands of madrasa students marched to demand Modi leave.

The Crackdown in Hathazari

Security forces, including police and BGB, confronted the protesters.

• Live bullets were fired into the crowd.
• Four protesters were killed on March 26 alone—most were young students, some reportedly as young as 15.
• Dozens more were wounded, some permanently disabled.

The Violence Spreads: Brahmanbaria

Protests intensified in Brahmanbaria the next day.

• Police and BGB fired indiscriminately, killing at least five more.
• Eyewitnesses described corpses lying on streets, as ambulances were blocked from entering protest areas.

The Aftermath

The government labeled Hefazat “extremists.”

• Leaders were arrested en masse, often tortured in custody.
• The death toll was downplayed, and no investigations were launched.
  One family member said:
  “My brother went to protest peacefully. He came back in a coffin with bullet holes.”

2021 (April): Banshkhali Coal Power Plant Protests Erupt Again

Date: April 17, 2021

Location: Banshkhali, Chattogram

Fatalities: 5 workers killed (official); 7 confirmed by locals

Victims: Power plant workers demanding unpaid wages and better working conditions during Ramadan

The Protest

Workers at S. Alam’s coal power plant gathered to protest unpaid wages, inhumane working hours, and lack of Ramadan accommodations.

The Crackdown

When workers demanded to speak with management, police arrived instead.

• They fired live bullets, killing five workers on the spot.
• Witnesses said the police shot into the crowd without provocation.
• Two more workers later died from bullet wounds, bringing the death toll to seven.

The Aftermath

Authorities called the protest “sabotage”.

• Police justified the killings as “necessary to prevent chaos”.
• Workers’ families received token hush money, while demands for justice went unanswered.

A worker’s widow said:
“They killed my husband for asking for his wages. Now they say we should be grateful they gave us anything.”

2022 (July): Bhola BNP Protest Turned Massacre

Date: July 31, 2022

Location: Bhola District

Fatalities: 2 BNP activists killed

Victims: BNP supporters protesting power cuts and economic hardship

The Protest

BNP organized a peaceful protest against load-shedding and the rising cost of living. Hundreds of supporters marched in Bhola, chanting slogans demanding the Prime Minister’s resignation.

The Crackdown

Police opened fire without warning.

• Abdur Rahim, a Swechchasebak Dal leader, died on the spot.
• Nur-e-Alam, President of Bhola Chhatra Dal, was shot in the head and died days later.

The Aftermath

The government denied using live rounds, claiming injuries were from “brickbats” hurled by protesters.

• Medical reports disproved this; the two men had gunshot wounds.
• No police officers were held accountable.

2022 (September): Munshiganj Protest and the Death of Shaon

Date: September 21, 2022

Location: Muktarpur, Munshiganj

Fatalities: 1 killed

Victims: BNP supporters

The Protest

BNP organized another demonstration in Munshiganj demanding the government’s resignation and immediate elections.

The Crackdown

During a clash, police fired live rounds, killing Shahidul Islam (Shaon), a Jubo Dal activist.

• His family said he was shot in the head while fleeing the scene.
• Police denied responsibility, claiming he was killed by a brick to the head—a claim contradicted by hospital autopsy results.

The Aftermath

Shaon’s death sparked outrage, but no justice was served. His family received no compensation, and local BNP activists faced increased harassment.

2022 (December): Naya Paltan Crackdown – Dhaka Becomes a War Zone

Date: December 7, 2022

Location: Naya Paltan, Dhaka

Fatalities: 1 confirmed dead, dozens injured

Victims: BNP activists and supporters

The Protest

In the lead-up to a much-anticipated BNP mass rally, thousands of activists had gathered at the BNP’s central office at Naya Paltan. The protest was intended to demand the resignation of Sheikh Hasina’s government, early elections, and an end to state repression.

For days, tension had been rising as the government deployed heavy security across Dhaka. Rumors swirled of preemptive arrests, and BNP leaders warned of possible crackdowns.

The Crackdown

On the afternoon of December 7, police launched a sudden assault.

• They fired rubber bullets, sound grenades, and tear gas into the crowd.
• As panic spread, live ammunition was also reportedly fired.
• Mokbul Hossain, a ward-level BNP leader, was shot and killed.
  • Eyewitnesses said he was unarmed, standing near the party office when he was hit in the chest.

Police entered the BNP office, beating activists, smashing furniture, and seizing documents. Hundreds were arrested on the spot, including senior BNP officials.

The Aftermath

Authorities denied firing live rounds, but medical reports showed Mokbul died from bullet wounds.

• The government justified the raid as a “security operation” to thwart “sabotage plans” by BNP.
• Meanwhile, state-controlled media portrayed the BNP rally as violent chaos, ignoring footage of unarmed protesters being attacked.

Families of the arrested spoke of torture in custody. Mokbul’s family, barred from holding a public funeral, held private prayers under heavy police watch.

2024 (July): The Uprising That Shook Bangladesh

(Limited overview, excluding post-July events as per your direction. This focuses only on July 2024 before the uprising escalated further.)

Date: July 2024

Locations: Dhaka, Narayanganj, Chattogram, and other major cities

Fatalities: Accurate numbers remain uncertain; dozens killed during July (official numbers disputed)

Victims: Protesters from diverse backgrounds—students, workers, opposition members

The Background

By mid-2024, Bangladesh was a powder keg. Years of economic hardship, energy crises, and political suppression had pushed people to the edge. The July protests began as localized demonstrations against soaring prices, power shortages, and rampant corruption, but quickly morphed into mass uprisings.

The Crackdown

Security forces responded with unprecedented brutality:

• Police, RAB, and BGB fired live rounds into crowds in Dhaka’s Shahbagh, Narayanganj’s Siddhirganj, and Chattogram’s Agrabad.
• Eyewitnesses reported snipers on rooftops, indiscriminate shootings, and paramilitary units patrolling residential areas, firing without warning.
• Protesters were often ambushed at night, with bodies discovered in the mornings on roadsides, riverbanks, or inside abandoned buildings.

The Early Toll (Before End of July)

By July 30, 2024, at least 50 people had been killed, according to human rights groups.

• Among the dead were school students, factory workers, and BNP youth leaders.
• Medical workers reported gunshot wounds to the head and chest in nearly all fatalities.

The Government’s Line

The regime declared a “zero tolerance” policy against “anarchy.”

• Official statements blamed “anti-state elements”, foreign conspiracies, and “terrorists”.
• But survivors told a different story—ordinary people killed for daring to demand a better life.

This July Uprising would become a turning point, but as of the end of July 2024, it had already become one of the bloodiest months in recent Bangladeshi history since 2013.

Emotional Reflection: A Nation Soaked in Blood and Silence

For fifteen years, Bangladesh’s ruling class treated its people as enemies to be controlled, not citizens to be served.
The protests, the strikes, the rallies—whether by students demanding safe roads, workers seeking fair wages, or villagers protecting their land—were met with bullets and batons, not dialogue.

The faces of the dead tell the story best:

• A garment worker, shot for asking for a raise.
• A madrasa student, killed while reciting verses before sleep.
• A young opposition activist, beaten and shot, his mother barred from mourning him in public.
• An indigenous farmer, gunned down defending his ancestral land.

And behind each face, a family—left grieving, afraid, and voiceless.

A Legacy of State Violence

This timeline isn’t just a record of events. It is a catalogue of betrayal—the betrayal of a people by their government, of democracy by dictatorship, of hope by fear.

Each bullet fired, each body buried without justice, carved deeper wounds into Bangladesh’s social fabric.

• The police were never held accountable.
• RAB commanders continued their reign of terror.
• BGB troops fired on crowds as if they were enemy combatants.
  And the government washed its hands clean, every time.

A Long Shadow Over Bangladesh

From the first fatal protest in 2010 to the flames of the July 2024 uprising, state violence became normalized, and justice became unimaginable.

This timeline is a testament to those who fell—and a warning to those who remain.

Patterns of Suppression: How the State Silenced Its People

Anatomy of Repression in Bangladesh (2009–July 2024)

For fifteen years, the Awami League government perfected the mechanics of authoritarianism, and at the heart of that system was violent suppression. What makes this era of state brutality particularly chilling is not just the number of dead or the scale of crackdowns, but the patterns—the deliberate, systematic strategies used to crush dissent, silence opposition, and terrorize an entire population.

This was not chaos. It was calculated control.

Target Groups – Who Paid the Price for Dissent?

1. Workers – The Engines of the Economy, Treated as Disposable

Who Were They?

• Primarily garment factory workers, often women, hailing from rural areas
• Also power plant workers, port laborers, and tea garden laborers

Why Were They Targeted?

Because they disrupted the flow of capital. Bangladesh’s ready-made garment (RMG) industry brought in billions in foreign exchange, making it the lifeline of the economy.

• When workers demanded higher wages, safer conditions, or humane hours, they became threats to profits—both for factory owners and the government they funded.
• The Industrial Police and regular police cracked down on these “threats” with deadly force.

Case Examples

• 2010 Chittagong: Garment workers were shot dead for demanding the new minimum wage be honored.
• 2019 Ashulia (Savar): Sumon Mia was shot in the chest for protesting unfair wage discrepancies.
• 2021 Banshkhali: Workers at S. Alam’s coal plant, demanding unpaid wages during Ramadan, were gunned down in cold blood.
  Many of these workers were women, whose deaths rarely made headlines. In most cases, their families were intimidated into silence.

Outcome

• Protest leaders were “disappeared” or arrested.
• The Industrial Police boasted of restoring “order” in factories.
• Western buyers, fearing instability, pressured for “stability”—and the government delivered it with blood and bullets.

2. Students – The Voice of the Future, Silenced Before It Could Rise

Who Were They?

• Madrasa students in Hefazat-e-Islam
• University and college students protesting fees, corruption, or demanding justice (like during the Quota Reform or Road Safety movements)

Why Were They Targeted?

Because students had the power to galvanize the nation. Historically, Bangladesh’s student movements have toppled regimes (1952 Language Movement, 1969 Mass Uprising). The ruling government saw student activism as an existential threat.

Case Examples

• 2013 Shapla Square: Dozens, possibly hundreds, of Hefazat madrasa students were gunned down in the dead of night. Many were teenagers, some as young as 12 or 13.
• 2018 Road Safety Protests: Students as young as high schoolers demanding safer roads were beaten, shot at with rubber bullets, and arrested en masse.
• 2021 Anti-Modi Protests: Madrasa students, many from poorer backgrounds, were killed in Hathazari and Brahmanbaria.

Outcome

• Campuses became militarized zones.
• Chhatra League (the ruling party’s student wing) was weaponized to attack dissenting students.
• Hundreds of student protesters were abducted, expelled from universities, or blacklisted from jobs.

3. Ethnic and Religious Minorities – The Forgotten Victims

Who Were They?

• Santal Indigenous Peoples in Gobindaganj
• Hindu minorities accused of blasphemy (e.g., Bhola 2019 incident)
• Religious minorities caught between Islamist protests and state repression

Why Were They Targeted?

Because they were vulnerable, often living on disputed land or having no political power to defend themselves.

Case Examples

• 2016 Gobindaganj Santals: Evicted from their lands by force, with police firing live rounds, killing three. Their homes were burned as police watched.
• 2019 Bhola Massacre: A false blasphemy charge against a Hindu boy led to deadly protests, where innocent villagers died, including those with no connection to the controversy.

Outcome

• Displacement: Many Santals lost their ancestral lands permanently.
• Silence: Hindu families left Bhola in fear, unable to protest or seek justice.
• No state protection. In many cases, the state became the predator.

4. Opposition Political Activists – Criminalized for Existing

Who Were They?

• BNP leaders and workers
• Jubo Dal (BNP youth wing), Chhatra Dal (BNP student wing)
• Jamaat-e-Islami supporters
• Other leftist parties not aligned with AL

Why Were They Targeted?

Because they threatened the Awami League’s monopoly on power. The goal was to eliminate all opposition.

Case Examples

• 2013 Hartal Protests: Dozens killed by police and BGB during strikes.
• 2022 Bhola BNP Protests: Two killed by police gunfire; many others shot and maimed.
• 2022 Munshiganj Rally: Shaon shot and killed during a protest—officials claimed it was an accident.
• 2022 Dhaka Naya Paltan: Live rounds fired into a crowd of BNP activists, killing Mokbul.

Outcome

• Thousands of BNP activists jailed, tortured, or exiled.
• The BNP was reduced to a hollow shell, its rallies suppressed violently and its leaders under constant surveillance.
• State-run media demonized the BNP as “terrorists,” justifying mass arrests and killings.

The Government’s Justifications: “Terrorists,” “Saboteurs,” and the Manipulation of Language

Throughout 2009 to 2024, every crackdown, every killing, and every assault on civilians came with a narrative carefully crafted by the government. This was not haphazard propaganda—it was a deliberate campaign to dehumanize dissenters, justify state violence, and turn public sympathy into suspicion.

“Terrorist” – The Label That Justifies Death

• The term “terrorist” was weaponized to delegitimize protesters. Whether they were students, workers, or opposition supporters, they were frequently accused of terrorism.
• In 2013, Hefazat-e-Islam protesters were branded as “militants” and “radicals,” despite the fact that many of them were unarmed madrasa students, sleeping in the streets of Shapla Square when the massacre occurred.
• In 2021, during the anti-Modi protests, Hefazat demonstrators were again labeled as terrorists. Police press releases used this label to justify the deaths of young madrasa students, some barely in their teens.

“Saboteur” – Silencing Labor and Workers’ Voices

• When garment workers protested, they were not workers with grievances. They were “saboteurs” accused of trying to destabilize the economy.
• In Banshkhali (2016 and 2021), villagers and workers who protested land grabs or unpaid wages were accused of being “anti-development forces” sent to sabotage national progress.
• These terms justified the use of lethal force on unarmed citizens, turning worker protests into national security threats in government narratives.

“Foreign Conspirators” – Discrediting the Opposition

• Opposition rallies and BNP protests were often dismissed as the work of foreign-backed conspirators.
• The government frequently alleged “international plots” aimed at toppling the regime, painting peaceful protests as part of geopolitical warfare.
• In July 2024, as the uprising gained momentum, state media alleged that protesters were funded by “foreign enemies”, seeking to justify mass arrests and shootings.

The Role of Religious and Ethnic Labels

• Hefazat protests were framed as “fanatic uprisings”, even though many protests were peaceful sit-ins before they were crushed with deadly force.
• Santal protests in Gobindaganj were dismissed as tribal conflicts, erasing the fact that they were victims of state-backed land grabs.
• Religious minorities accused of blasphemy were often left vulnerable, as the state’s inaction or violence served to protect the majority narrative.

State-Controlled Media: How the Narrative Was Spun

The government’s control over media outlets was central to how state violence was justified, and the truth distorted.

Silencing Independent Voices

• Newspapers and TV stations that questioned the official version of events faced closures, raids, and lawsuits.
  • After the Shapla Square massacre in 2013, Diganta TV and Islamic TV were forced off the air for broadcasting live footage of the crackdown.
  • Newspapers like Amar Desh, edited by Mahmudur Rahman, were shut down after publishing reports critical of the government’s brutal actions.

Promoting the Government Narrative

• Pro-government channels and newspapers churned out identical headlines after every protest crackdown:
  • “Security Forces Restore Order”
  • “Terror Plot Foiled in Dhaka”
  • “Saboteurs Attack Police, Prompting Defensive Measures”
• In the 2018 student protests demanding safe roads, state television aired footage of government-funded student groups (Chhatra League) distributing chocolates to protesters, even as videos circulated of those same groups beating schoolchildren.

The Digital Security Act (DSA) and Social Media Control

• Passed in 2018, the DSA became a tool to silence online dissent.
  • Posting about protest deaths, police brutality, or state corruption could result in immediate arrest.
  • In 2021, journalist Rozina Islam was arrested under the DSA for reporting on government corruption during the COVID-19 pandemic.
  • Social media activists and bloggers were jailed, accused of “spreading rumors” whenever they documented police shootings or violent crackdowns.

Erasing the Victims

• Victims of extrajudicial killings were often smeared posthumously.
  • RAB “crossfire” victims were labeled drug dealers or criminals, even when their families produced evidence to the contrary.
  • In BNP rallies, those shot dead were often painted as violent agitators, not as peaceful protesters.

Silencing Civil Society and Human Rights Organizations

In any democracy, civil society and human rights organizations act as watchdogs—amplifying the voices of victims, holding the state accountable, and ensuring transparency. In Bangladesh, from 2009 to 2024, they became enemies of the state.

The Awami League government didn’t just ignore human rights advocates—it hunted them down, criminalized them, and destroyed their ability to function.

Odhikar: From Human Rights Watchdog to Enemy of the State

The Crime? Documenting the Truth.

Odhikar meticulously documented extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and violent crackdowns. Their report on the Shapla Square massacre, listing 61 fatalities, shattered the government’s carefully constructed narrative.

The State’s Response:

• Odhikar’s secretary Adilur Rahman Khan and director ASM Nasiruddin Elan were arrested in 2013, charged with spreading false information.
• Their offices were raided, computers seized, and funding blocked.
• In 2023, after a decade of harassment, both were sentenced to prison, accused of undermining the state.
• Odhikar’s registration was cancelled, preventing them from legally operating.
  The message was clear: truth-tellers would be punished.

NGOs Strangled by Regulations and Fear

• The Foreign Donations (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Act 2016 made it impossible for NGOs critical of the government to receive foreign funds.
• Human rights groups were forced to submit to state surveillance, and any activity deemed “anti-state” could lead to deregistration or shutdown.
• Several international NGOs, including Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), faced threats and intimidation for publishing reports on corruption and abuse of power.

Civil Society Leaders Under Siege

• Prominent activists and academics were subjected to legal harassment, travel bans, and public vilification.
• Pro-government media labeled rights activists as “foreign agents” or “traitors”.
• Those who raised their voices, such as Imtiaz Ahmed, Ali Riaz, and Meenakshi Ganguly (HRW), were systematically discredited through state-run disinformation campaigns.

The Result? Silence.

By 2024, civil society was paralyzed.

• Fear reigned supreme: speaking out could lead to jail, disappearance, or worse.
• Even families of victims were reluctant to engage with human rights groups, fearing state retribution.

The Culture of Impunity and Its Deepening Roots

No Justice for Victims, Only Protection for Perpetrators

Extrajudicial Killings and Crossfire

Between 2009 and 2022, human rights organizations documented over 2,500 extrajudicial killings.

• Perpetrators, whether police, RAB, or BGB, were never prosecuted.
• Instead, they were promoted, awarded medals, and presented as national heroes.
  • Example: Benazir Ahmed, former head of RAB (sanctioned by the U.S.), was promoted to Inspector General of Police, Bangladesh’s highest-ranking law enforcement post.

Cover-ups and Fake Investigations

• Government “investigations” were pre-scripted farces.
• No law enforcement officer was ever convicted for the Shapla Square killings, the Bhola massacre, or the Banshkhali shootings.
• Independent inquiries were blocked, and eyewitnesses threatened.

Rewarding Repression

• Officers involved in violent crackdowns were reassigned to lucrative posts or overseas UN peacekeeping missions.
  • This practice sanitized their public image, turning killers into “peacekeepers.”
• The regime’s patronage networks ensured loyalty: those who executed orders without question were financially and professionally rewarded.

No Legal Recourse

• Victims’ families were often too afraid to file cases.
• In rare cases where lawsuits were filed, judges dismissed them, or plaintiffs were forced to withdraw under duress.
• Bangladesh’s human rights commission became a toothless body, issuing hollow statements while doing little to protect victims.

Emotional Reflection on the Long-Term Impact of Suppression

For fifteen years, the Awami League’s strategy of violent suppression didn’t just break up protests—it broke people.
It wasn’t only bullets and batons that silenced the nation; it was the deep psychological trauma, the erosion of hope, and the shattering of the collective spirit that turned Bangladesh into a country where fear ruled every street corner.

A Nation Living in Fear

In villages and cities alike, fear is an unspoken truth.

• Mothers warn their children not to join protests, fearing they’ll come home in a coffin—or never come home at all.
• Workers whisper their demands for fair wages, afraid that speaking too loudly will summon the Industrial Police.
• Students discuss politics in hushed tones, glancing over their shoulders, wondering if the person sitting nearby is a Chhatra League informer.
• Even in mosques, temples, and tea stalls, people measure their words with extreme caution, because criticism of the government, no matter how justified, can mean prison or “disappearance.”

The government has normalized terror so completely that many no longer expect justice, only survival.

The Trauma of Witnessing Injustice Without Remedy

For every person killed by police bullets, there are hundreds more who saw them die.

• They watched friends shot in the head.
• They carried bodies through streets under the eyes of police who fired the fatal shots.
• They buried loved ones under the weight of threats—”Don’t talk to journalists, don’t demand justice, or you’ll be next.”

The grief is not private; it is policed. Mourning publicly can be seen as defiance.

• Many funerals are monitored by security forces.
• Families are pressured to stay silent, often offered hush money in exchange for their silence.

And for those who resist, the price is high:

• Harassment
• Arrest
• Further death

The Death of Hope in Justice

For fifteen years, victims’ families have been told there will be no justice.

• The courts are tools of the ruling party.
• The police are judge, jury, and executioner.
• The National Human Rights Commission is a public relations office, issuing empty statements.

By 2024, many Bangladeshis have given up on justice entirely.

• They don’t file complaints.
• They don’t go to the press.
• They bury their dead quietly, with only their closest family, under the cover of night.

The hope that once inspired the Shahbagh protests, the Quota reform movement, and the Road Safety uprising has been smothered by the weight of repeated betrayals.

How Fear and Repression Have Reshaped Bangladesh’s Social Fabric

Silencing the Future Generation

• Bangladesh’s youth—once at the forefront of political change—are now traumatized and disillusioned.
• Many have left the country, seeking asylum or education abroad, unwilling to risk their lives in the streets of Dhaka or Chattogram.
• Those who remain have learned to self-censor, to avoid activism, and to focus on personal survival.

The Death of Civil Society

• NGOs and civil organizations that once provided hope and services to marginalized communities have been gutted.
• Activism is criminalized, forcing brave voices into exile or silence.
• The public square, once vibrant with debate, is now a vacuum.

Mistrust and Paranoia

• Years of surveillance, informants, and state-sponsored smear campaigns have bred mistrust in neighborhoods, communities, and families.
• People fear their friends, relatives, or even colleagues may report them for a social media post or an offhand comment.
• Paranoia has replaced solidarity.

The Psychological Toll: Living With Ghosts

Those who survived the massacres and crackdowns speak of living with ghosts.

• Ghosts of friends shot beside them,
• Ghosts of justice denied,
• Ghosts of hopes crushed.

Many describe nightmares, panic attacks, and depression. But few get help—there’s little mental health care, and seeking it can mark someone as “unstable” or “problematic”, further inviting harassment.

The state may not openly kill everyone—but it has killed faith, killed courage, and killed the promise of democracy.

Closing This Section: The Pattern of Suppression Is a Pattern of Betrayal

What emerges from this fifteen-year story is not just a catalogue of crackdowns, but a pattern of betrayal:

• The state betrayed its workers, who built Bangladesh’s wealth.
• It betrayed its students, who demanded only safety and fairness.
• It betrayed its minorities, who sought dignity and recognition.
• And it betrayed its promise of democracy, reducing it to a hollow word, used only for foreign diplomacy.

This was not collateral damage. This was state policy.

And from 2009 to July 2024, the people of Bangladesh have bled for it.

Personal Stories: Voices of the Victims and Survivors

Bearing Witness to the Human Cost of State Violence in Bangladesh (2009–July 2024)

For fifteen years, Bangladesh has been haunted by the faces and names of those who stood up—and paid the ultimate price. Behind every government-sanctioned killing, behind every bullet fired, and behind every crushed protest, are human stories—lives full of dreams, struggles, and courage that ended too soon, or survived but were forever broken.

These are not just numbers in a report. They are sons, daughters, mothers, fathers, friends.
This section will tell their stories, because when the state erased them, their truth was left behind to be told.

The Fallen Workers – The Life and Death of Sumon Mia

Date of Death: January 8, 2019

Location: Savar, Ashulia Industrial Area

Age: 22

Occupation: Garment Factory Worker

Killed During: Protest demanding implementation of new minimum wage structure

His Life

Sumon Mia was born in a small village in Kishoreganj. Like many young men, poverty forced him to migrate to Dhaka in search of work. At 18, he found a job in a garment factory in Ashulia, working 12-hour shifts, often for less than minimum wage.

He sent most of his earnings back home, helping his parents pay for his younger sister’s school fees. His dream was to save enough to bring his family to Dhaka, where life, he believed, held more opportunities.

The Protest

In January 2019, thousands of garment workers took to the streets. Despite government announcements of a revised wage structure, many factories—including Sumon’s—refused to comply. He joined his coworkers on the third day of protests, hoping to pressure the factory owners to honor the agreement.

The Crackdown

Police arrived by mid-morning. Without warning, they fired rubber bullets and live rounds into the crowd. Sumon was shot in the chest, just below the heart. Witnesses said he had been standing peacefully, holding a sign that read: “We are not slaves.”

He died within minutes. No ambulance arrived. His coworkers carried his body to the side of the road and covered it with a factory t-shirt.

The Aftermath

Sumon’s body was sent back to his village in Kishoreganj. His parents were told not to speak to journalists. The factory disavowed any responsibility. No compensation was paid.

His mother later told a local rights worker:
“He worked so hard for us. And now they say he was a criminal. But all he wanted was fair wages.”

The Martyred Student – Nur-e-Alam, Bhola 2022

Date of Death: August 3, 2022

Location: Bhola District

Age: 35

Affiliation: Bhola District Chhatra Dal President (BNP’s student wing)

Killed During: Peaceful protest against load-shedding and rising prices

His Life

Nur-e-Alam was a student leader, but more importantly, he was a voice for his community. Born into a lower-middle-class family in Bhola, he excelled at school and eventually became a prominent activist in the Chhatra Dal, advocating for democratic reforms.

He was known among his friends as gentle and articulate, someone who believed politics should be about serving the people.
He campaigned for fair elections, freedom of speech, and an end to authoritarianism.
Despite repeated harassment by police and ruling party cadres, he refused to leave Bhola, saying:
“This is my home. If I leave, who will speak for us?”

The Protest

On July 31, 2022, Nur-e-Alam joined a BNP-organized rally against the worsening energy crisis and inflation that was devastating rural communities.
It was a peaceful gathering, with speeches and slogans—until the police arrived.

The Crackdown

The police opened fire on the protesters.
Nur-e-Alam was shot in the head. He collapsed instantly.
He was rushed to a hospital in critical condition. For three days, his family clung to hope. But on August 3, he succumbed to his injuries.

The Aftermath

The government insisted no live rounds were used. But Nur-e-Alam’s body bore clear bullet wounds.
His funeral was heavily policed, with plainclothes officers filming mourners.
His family received no compensation, only veiled threats: “Be careful who you talk to.”

His mother told reporters before going silent:
“He was my son. They killed him because he loved his country.”

The Mother’s Lament – Shapla Square, 2013

Date of Death: May 6, 2013

Location: Motijheel, Dhaka

Victim: Rabiul (Name changed), Age 14

Killed During: Hefazat-e-Islam Shapla Chattar sit-in protest

His Life

Rabiul was a madrasa student from Shariatpur, one of thousands brought to Dhaka by Hefazat-e-Islam to join the protest at Shapla Square. He was quiet, deeply religious, and according to his mother, dreamed of becoming an alim (Islamic scholar).

He was barely 14 years old.

The Protest

On May 5, 2013, Rabiul joined tens of thousands demanding a blasphemy law. He sat with his friends in the square through the night, reciting Quranic verses, unaware of what was about to unfold.

The Crackdown

Just after midnight on May 6, the joint forces—police, RAB, and BGB—launched an assault.
They fired tear gas, rubber bullets, and live rounds into the crowd.
Rabiul was shot in the stomach, falling as he tried to flee.
A witness later told human rights groups that he saw soldiers dragging bodies away, and believed Rabiul’s body was among them.

His family never recovered his body. They were told to stop asking questions.
His mother waited at the village station for days, hoping someone would return her son. No one did.

The Aftermath

The government claimed “no one died” at Shapla Square. But Rabiul’s mother says:
“I gave birth to him. I know he’s gone. They won’t even let me bury him.”

Her house was visited by plainclothes men, warning her not to speak to journalists.
She obeyed—for her remaining children’s sake.

The Forgotten Farmer – Gobindaganj Santal Killing, 2016

Date of Death: November 6, 2016

Location: Gobindaganj, Gaibandha

Victim: Chandan Murmu, Age 40

Killed During: Eviction protest by Santal community

His Life

Chandan Murmu was an indigenous Santal farmer, living on the land his ancestors had tilled for generations. He had three children and grew rice and vegetables, living a quiet life in the Gobindaganj region.

When the Rangpur Sugar Mill authorities—backed by police and local thugs—moved to evict his people, Chandan became a reluctant leader. He stood with his community, determined to defend their ancestral land.

The Protest

On November 6, 2016, Santals gathered to resist the eviction. Some carried bows and arrows, a symbol of their indigenous identity and resistance.

The Crackdown

Police and thugs opened fire on the Santals.
Chandan was shot in the chest, dying instantly.
As he lay dying, his home was set ablaze by police and hired men. His wife and children fled into the fields, leaving everything behind.

The Aftermath

The government blamed “outsiders” for the violence, ignoring video evidence of police involvement in the arson and killings.
Chandan’s widow now lives in a makeshift shelter, surviving on charity.
She told a rights group before going into hiding:
“They took my husband, my home, my land. They say we are not Bangladeshi. But we have always lived here. We are buried here.”

The Death of Shaon – Munshiganj, 2022

Date of Death: September 21, 2022

Location: Muktarpur, Munshiganj

Age: 30

Affiliation: Jubo Dal activist (BNP’s youth wing)

His Life

Shahidul Islam Shaon was a hardworking young man from Munshiganj, balancing his life between local politics and helping his family run a small grocery store. He was not a leader, just a dedicated supporter, attending rallies and meetings out of a belief that change was possible.

His friends say he was always smiling, always optimistic, convinced that one day fair elections and justice would return to Bangladesh.

The Protest

On September 21, 2022, Shaon joined a peaceful BNP protest calling for the resignation of the Awami League government and new elections.
He had gone early, helping to set up banners and coordinate supporters.
He wasn’t at the frontlines. He wasn’t even chanting slogans when the police charged.

The Crackdown

As the protesters scrambled, police opened fire. Shaon was shot in the head.

• He was unarmed.
• Eyewitnesses say he was running away when he was hit.

The Aftermath

Shaon died on the spot. His body was dragged by his friends, who faced tear gas and rubber bullets just trying to retrieve him.
His mother later said she was told:
“Your son was a terrorist. You should be ashamed.”

She replied:
“My son was not a terrorist. He worked for the poor.”

But she stopped speaking out soon after—fear silenced her.

The Killing of Abdur Rahim – Bhola, 2022

Date of Death: July 31, 2022

Location: Bhola District

Age: 35

Affiliation: Swechchasebak Dal (BNP volunteer wing)

His Life

Abdur Rahim was a father of two, working as a small businessman in Bhola. His involvement in BNP politics was limited, but he was respected for being active during elections, providing logistics and support.

He wasn’t a frontline leader—just a believer in democracy.

The Protest

On July 31, Rahim joined the BNP rally, protesting load-shedding, inflation, and the government’s failure to address the economic crisis. He was standing near the middle of the procession, holding a BNP flag.

The Crackdown

Without warning, police began firing.
Rahim was shot in the chest, collapsing on the street.

• His friends tried to carry him away, but the police blocked ambulances, delaying treatment.
• He died before reaching the hospital.

The Aftermath

His wife was told by local police that if she spoke to media, she might “lose more family members.”
She remains in hiding, refusing to comment further.
His children ask where their father has gone.
She tells them:
“He went to work. He will be back.”

The Disappearance of Mamun – July 2024 Uprising

Date of Disappearance: July 26, 2024

Location: Shahbagh, Dhaka

Age: 27

Affiliation: None; student at Jagannath University

His Life

Mamun was a final-year student, studying political science. He wasn’t aligned with any political party but was active in student protests, especially on issues of tuition fees, unemployment, and government corruption.

He often posted on Facebook, writing about the need for youth leadership and peaceful change.

The Protest

Mamun was last seen at the Shahbagh protest rally on July 26, 2024.
He was seen live-streaming events, trying to show the world what was happening as protesters were tear-gassed and beaten.

The Crackdown and Disappearance

Witnesses say he was grabbed by plainclothes men, bundled into a white microbus (a vehicle often associated with enforced disappearances in Bangladesh).
No official records exist of his arrest.
No case was filed.
His family searched hospitals, police stations, and morgues—nothing.

The Aftermath

His mother, desperate for news, posted on social media:
“My son is innocent. Please return him to me.”
Within hours, police came to her home and warned her to stay silent.
She hasn’t spoken publicly since.

Mamun’s friends believe he was “disappeared”, like so many others, his body possibly dumped without a name, his story nearly erased.

The Killing of Idris Ali – Garment Worker, Chittagong 2010

Date of Death: December 12, 2010

Location: Chittagong Export Processing Zone (CEPZ)

Age: 28

Occupation: Garment Factory Worker

His Life

Idris Ali worked in a garment factory in Chittagong, one of Bangladesh’s largest industrial hubs. He lived in a rented room with five other workers and sent most of his salary home to his mother and sisters in Noakhali.
He was saving to get married and had recently bought a gold ring on installment for his fiancée.

The Protest

When factory owners failed to implement the new minimum wage, workers in the CEPZ launched protests. Idris joined them, shouting slogans for fair wages and dignity.
It was supposed to be a peaceful protest—he believed justice would come if they stood together.

The Crackdown

Industrial Police and regular police fired live ammunition into the crowd. Idris was hit in the back as he tried to help a coworker who had collapsed.
He bled out on the dusty street, clutching the ring he had bought.
His body was recovered later that night by family friends, who were told to stay quiet about how he died.

The Aftermath

His family was offered silence money—a meager sum, with no acknowledgment of state responsibility.
His mother said:
“They took my son and gave me hush money. But I will never forget how he died begging for his rights.”

The Death of Habibur Rahman – BDR Mutiny 2009 (Innocent Bystander)

Date of Death: February 25, 2009

Location: Pilkhana, Dhaka

Age: 34

Occupation: Rickshaw Puller

His Life

Habibur Rahman was a rickshaw puller who worked in and around Pilkhana, the headquarters of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR). He lived with his wife and two young sons in a slum nearby.

The Incident

On February 25, 2009, during the BDR mutiny, chaos broke out inside Pilkhana. As he passed the area, Habibur was caught in crossfire between mutineers and the military.

The Aftermath

Habibur’s body lay on the street for hours. His wife only found out where he was the next day.
No compensation was offered.
He was listed as collateral damage, his name rarely mentioned in official accounts.
His wife said:
“We were nobody. To them, he was nobody.”

The Slaughter at Aminbazar – July 2011

Date of Death: July 18, 2011

Location: Aminbazar, Savar

Victims: Seven Teenage Students (ages 16-18)

The Victims

Seven teenage boys from Bogra and Dhaka—students home for Eid holidays—had gone to Aminbazar to celebrate Shab-e-Barat and chat by the riverside.

The Incident

At dawn, they were accused of being robbers by local villagers, possibly incited by false rumors.
They were brutally beaten to death with sticks and iron rods, their bodies unrecognizable by the time they were recovered.

The Role of Police

Eyewitnesses claim police were present during the lynching, doing nothing to stop it. Some reports allege the police encouraged the mob.

The Aftermath

• Families demanded justice.
• Years later, charges were dropped against many accused.
• The mothers of the boys continue to gather every Shab-e-Barat to mourn at the spot, abandoned by the state.

One mother said:
“The police stood and watched our sons die. Now they say it’s not their fault.”

The Killing of Limon Hossain – Jhalokathi, 2011

Date of Incident: March 23, 2011

Location: Saturia, Jhalokathi

Age: 16

Victim of: RAB Shooting

His Life

Limon Hossain was a college student, helping his family survive by working in a brick kiln after school.
He dreamed of being a lawyer, wanting to defend the poor, like his own family.

The Incident

While bringing cattle back from the field, Limon was shot in the leg by RAB officers, who accused him of being a criminal.
He was arrested without treatment, and later his leg was amputated due to lack of medical care.

The Aftermath

Limon became symbolic of RAB’s brutality.
His mother fought for justice, but the government filed counter cases, accusing Limon and his family of defaming law enforcement.
He remains disabled and continues to face harassment.
He said in 2015:
“I lost my leg. They wanted me to lose my voice, too.”

The Deaths at Shapla Square – May 2013 (An Expanded Account)

Date of Death: May 6, 2013

Victims: Unconfirmed numbers; over 60 in independent reports

One Story: Abdul Quddus

• Age: 60
• Occupation: Madrasa Teacher
• From: Sylhet

His Life

Abdul Quddus was a respected teacher, known for his gentle manner and dedication to education.
He traveled to Dhaka with students to join the Hefazat sit-in, believing their demands were moral and just.

The Crackdown

As security forces cleared Shapla Square, Abdul Quddus was reportedly shot in the back while helping students flee.
His body was never recovered.
His family was told:
“There is no record of his death.”

They perform prayers every year, hoping his soul finds peace.
His daughter told a rights activist:
“My father died believing in his country. But his country has erased him.”

The Killing of Delwar Hossain – Banshkhali, 2016

Date of Death: April 4, 2016

Location: Gandamara, Banshkhali

Age: 45

Occupation: Farmer and Landowner

Killed During: Protest against land acquisition for coal power plant

His Life

Delwar was a village elder, respected for his wisdom and community leadership.
He organized peaceful resistance against the illegal acquisition of farmland by S. Alam Group.

The Crackdown

During a protest rally, police and BGB fired on villagers. Delwar was shot in the chest while leading negotiations with the police.
He died on the spot.

The Aftermath

His family lives under surveillance, forbidden to attend protests or speak to journalists.
His wife said in 2020:
“They took our land, our leader, and our future. But they couldn’t take his courage.”

The Death of Faruk Hossain – Chhatra League Leader Who Became a Victim (2010 Quota Reform Protests)

Date of Death: February 9, 2010

Location: Dhaka University (DU) Campus

Age: 25

Affiliation: Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL)

His Life

Faruk Hossain was a student activist and Chhatra League leader, devoted to his party and known for his fierce loyalty to the ruling Awami League government. He believed in reform and change within the system and had been a vocal supporter of quota reform protests that aimed to make government job distribution more merit-based.

The Incident

• On February 9, 2010, clashes erupted within the Chhatra League itself, as rival factions fought over control of the DU campus.
• Faruk was dragged into a dormitory, where he was beaten with rods, hockey sticks, and bricks.
• His lifeless body was later dumped near Shahid Minar, covered in blood, his skull cracked open.

The Aftermath

• Despite being a loyal party worker, no justice was served for Faruk.
• His killers—members of his own organization, Chhatra League—were protected by political connections.
• His death exposed how even within the ruling party, violence was the ultimate tool of control.

His father later said:
“He gave everything to the party. And in return, they let him die like an animal.”

The Beating of Zubair Ahmed – Dhaka University Student, 2012 (Killed by Chhatra League)

Date of Incident: January 9, 2012

Location: Dhaka University (DU), Jagannath Hall

Age: 23

Affiliation: Former Chhatra League Member

His Life

Zubair Ahmed was a student of English literature at Dhaka University. He was a former member of the Chhatra League, but he had distanced himself from violent campus politics.
He was not a rebel, just a student who wanted to graduate and build a future.

The Incident

On January 9, 2012, a faction of Chhatra League activists accused Zubair of being linked to an opposition group, a common pretext for targeted killings.

• He was abducted from campus, taken to Jagannath Hall, and brutally beaten with iron rods and sticks for hours.
• His screams were heard throughout the dormitory, but no one dared to intervene.
• By the time he was taken to hospital, he was already brain-dead.

The Aftermath

• Zubair succumbed to his injuries a day later.
• Although several attackers were convicted, many escaped punishment due to political protection.
• His murder reinforced a chilling message:
  • Even neutrality is dangerous. If you are not with the ruling party, you are a target.

A friend who witnessed his final moments said:
“He was my best friend. He didn’t deserve to die like that. None of us do.”

The Murder of Biswajit Das – A Tailor Lynched in Broad Daylight (2012 Political Clashes)

Date of Death: December 9, 2012

Location: Old Dhaka

Age: 24

Occupation: Tailor

His Life

Biswajit Das was not a political activist. He ran a small tailoring shop in Old Dhaka, supporting his elderly parents.
He had no involvement in party politics—he simply wanted a normal life.

The Incident

On December 9, 2012, during an opposition-called hartal (strike), Biswajit was mistaken for a BNP supporter by Chhatra League members.

• He was chased through the streets, attacked with machetes, sticks, and iron rods.
• Bleeding heavily, he tried to escape, but was dragged back and beaten mercilessly.
• His murder was broadcast live on television.

The Aftermath

• Despite video evidence, most of his killers received political protection.
• His family never received justice.
• Biswajit’s death was a warning to ordinary people:
  • In Bangladesh, even minding your own business can get you killed.

His father later said:
“He had no politics. He only had dreams. But they didn’t care.”

The Massacre of Hathazari Madrasa Students – 2021

Date of Death: March 26, 2021

Location: Hathazari, Chattogram

Victims: 4 Madrasa Students (Aged 15-20)

Killed During: Anti-Modi protests

The Incident

In March 2021, Hefazat-e-Islam organized protests against Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Bangladesh, citing his anti-Muslim policies in India.

• In Hathazari, madrasa students gathered in thousands, demanding the visit be canceled.
• The government deployed BGB and police, who opened fire.

The Deaths

• Four students were shot dead—some while kneeling in prayer.
• One, a 17-year-old, was killed instantly, a bullet piercing his forehead.
• Another, 18-year-old Anwar, was shot in the stomach, his dying words were:
  • “Please tell my mother I did not die afraid.”

The Aftermath

• The government justified the killings, calling the protests terrorist-driven.
• The students were buried quietly, their families warned not to speak.

A madrasa teacher later said:
“They were children. But to the government, they were just targets.”

Generations Raised on Fear and Mourning

A Pattern of State Violence, A Nation of Grief

From 2009 to 2024, a pattern emerged:

• The poor and working class were crushed when they asked for dignity.
• The students and educated youth were silenced when they demanded change.
• The political opposition was murdered when they challenged power.
• The religious minorities and indigenous groups were erased when they resisted injustice.

A Generation Growing Up in Trauma

• The children who watched their fathers killed in Banshkhali,
• The students who carried their dying friends in Shapla Square,
• The activists who saw their leaders murdered in Bhola, Munshiganj, and Chattogram,

These people carry scars deeper than bullets.

They are growing up knowing justice does not exist. They are taught to be afraid, not to be free.

And the most haunting question is:
How many more will die before the cycle ends?

International Reactions and Silence: How the World Watched Bangladesh Bleed

When Blood Was Cheaper Than Business

For fifteen years, Bangladesh’s people marched for justice, rallied for democracy, and bled in the streets.
And the world—governments, corporations, international bodies—mostly watched in silence.

Even as bullets tore through crowds of students, even as workers were gunned down for demanding their wages, even as bodies disappeared into the night, foreign powers signed trade deals, praised Bangladesh’s “progress,” and chose economic interests over human rights.

This is not just a story of internal repression. It is also a story of global hypocrisy.

The West – Trade, Diplomacy, and Convenient Amnesia

The European Union (EU): Human Rights Champions with Dirty Hands

• The EU is Bangladesh’s largest trading partner, accounting for over 50% of exports, mainly ready-made garments (RMG).
• Even as garment workers were killed in 2010, 2012, and 2019, the EU continued offering trade privileges under the Everything But Arms (EBA) initiative.
• European buyers—H&M, Zara, Primark—profited from cheap labor made cheaper by state violence.
• EU diplomats issued statements about human rights but never took concrete action, never suspended trade preferences.

Selective Outrage

• The EU condemned Rohingya persecution in Myanmar, but ignored police massacres in Bhola and Banshkhali.
• Why? Because Bangladesh remained a buffer state in regional geopolitics and a cheap labor hub for Europe’s fashion industry.

The United States: Sanctions for Some, Silence for Others

• The US sanctioned RAB and its top commanders in 2021, citing extrajudicial killings and disappearances.
• But for years before that, the US provided military assistance, training, and intelligence sharing with RAB, police, and BGB.
• After the sanctions, business continued as usual:
  • Bangladesh remained eligible for Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) (until 2013),
  • US brands kept sourcing billions of dollars in garments from Bangladesh.
• The death toll in protests (Shapla Square 2013, Bhola 2019, BNP protests 2022) never triggered the kind of diplomatic outrage that human rights defenders expected.
• Why? Because strategic stability, regional influence, and counterterrorism cooperation mattered more than democracy.

Canada, Australia, and the UK: Business First, Values Second

• Canada remained a safe haven for Bangladeshi officials, including RAB’s Benazir Ahmed, despite his role in human rights abuses.
• Australia focused on trade, signing deals worth billions in apparel, agriculture, and education, ignoring protest killings.
• The UK continued defense cooperation and trade talks, rarely mentioning state violence, and never making it a condition of engagement.

The Muslim World and the OIC: Brotherhood in Name, Silence in Deed

For a nation that is part of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and boasts ties with many Muslim-majority countries, Bangladesh’s Muslims might have expected solidarity when Islamic scholars, madrasa students, and protesters were being killed.
They were wrong.

Silence During the Shapla Square Massacre (2013)

• On May 5–6, 2013, Hefazat-e-Islam protesters, mostly madrasa students and Islamic scholars, were gunned down in Dhaka’s Shapla Square.
• The OIC, which had swiftly condemned violence against Muslims in other regions, was silent.
• No formal statement, no condemnation, no calls for justice.

Why?

• Bangladesh’s ruling party leveraged its diplomatic clout, claiming Hefazat was a radical movement that threatened Bangladesh’s secular democracy.
• Gulf monarchies, fearful of homegrown Islamist movements, looked away.
• Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar continued to invest billions in Bangladesh’s infrastructure, energy, and manpower recruitment industries.

The Irony of Islamic Solidarity

• While these nations championed Palestine and spoke out against Islamophobia in Europe and India, they ignored the killing of Muslims in Bangladesh.
• Bangladeshi migrant workers remained sources of remittance, and the Awami League was seen as a stable partner for business and labor deals.

India and China: Propping Up Power in Dhaka

Two regional giants played a critical role in enabling state repression in Bangladesh. Neither had any interest in human rights—only in geopolitical control, business, and buffer politics.

India: The Silent Partner in Repression

Strategic Ally or Co-Conspirator?

• India viewed Sheikh Hasina’s government as its closest ally in South Asia.
• The Teesta River Agreement, border security cooperation, and anti-militancy measures made Hasina Delhi’s preferred partner.
• India’s ruling BJP was more focused on regional dominance than on Bangladesh’s internal repression.

During Crackdowns

• India offered no condemnation when protesters were gunned down in Bhola (2019) or during BNP rallies (2022).
• Even during the anti-Modi protests in 2021, when Indian flags were burned and protesters shot dead, India’s government simply praised Dhaka for maintaining “law and order.”

The RAW and Security Cooperation

• Bangladesh’s intelligence agencies, including DGFI, maintained close ties with India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW).
• Critics argue that India provided intelligence used to target opposition leaders and activists.

China: Profits Over People

The New Economic Master

• China invested billions in infrastructure, energy, and technology in Bangladesh—courting Dhaka as part of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
• China provided arms, surveillance technology, and training to Bangladesh’s military and police.

No Concern for Human Rights

• China remained silent during every protest crackdown.
• Chinese firms, like S. Alam Group’s partners, were directly involved in projects that led to land grabs and killings, like the Banshkhali coal plant protests.

Dhaka’s “No Interference” Partner

• China’s policy of non-interference gave Bangladesh’s ruling party a blank check to suppress dissent without fear of losing loans, investments, or diplomatic support.

The UN and International Rights Groups: Condemnations Without Consequences

United Nations (UN): Words Without Weight

• The UN issued occasional statements expressing “concern” over extrajudicial killings, disappearances, and protest crackdowns.
• In 2013, after Shapla Square, and in 2022, following BNP crackdowns, the UN called for investigations—but took no concrete action.
• Bangladesh’s participation in UN peacekeeping missions continued unchallenged, despite human rights abuses at home by the same forces.

UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC)

• Bangladesh often avoided scrutiny at the UNHRC, with votes and reviews diluted by its strong diplomatic alliances and regional bargaining power.

Human Rights Watch (HRW), Amnesty International, Odhikar: Voices in the Wilderness

• HRW and Amnesty International consistently documented abuses, issuing detailed reports on RAB killings, police crackdowns, and BGB shootings.
• Local groups like Odhikar risked arrest, harassment, and legal action to report the truth.
• Yet their reports were met with indifference by powerful states, and their warnings ignored.

The Global Reaction?

• Words, statements, and reports.
• But no sanctions on top officials beyond the limited US action against RAB.
• No trade penalties from Europe or major importers.
• No arms embargoes or diplomatic isolation.

The Hypocrisy of the International Community: Human Rights as a Commodity

In Bangladesh, from 2009 to July 2024, human rights were not a universal principle. They were a commodity—to be invoked selectively, traded for influence, or ignored entirely if it suited economic or geopolitical interests. The global powers that preached freedom, democracy, and human dignity became co-conspirators by silence.

Selective Morality: Who Gets Saved and Who Gets Sacrificed

Bangladesh: Not Strategic Enough for Moral Outrage

• Unlike Myanmar, where the Rohingya crisis drew massive global attention, Bangladesh’s internal repression was ignored.
• There were no UN resolutions on student killings, no global days of mourning for garment workers shot dead, no international sanctions after Shapla Square, Bhola, or Banshkhali.

Why?

• Bangladesh is too strategically important to isolate but not important enough to defend.
• Its people became acceptable collateral damage for the stability and cheap labor it offered to the global supply chain.

The Currency of Stability in Global Diplomacy

Bangladesh’s “Success Story” Narrative

The Awami League government masterfully marketed Bangladesh as a “development miracle”:

• Record-breaking GDP growth,
• Poverty reduction,
• RMG exports,
• Gender equality programs.

This narrative of progress was eagerly consumed by international donors, agencies, and media, who used Bangladesh as an example of how “authoritarian stability” could drive economic success.

The Real Cost

Behind the shiny numbers were corpses, bullet wounds, disappeared voices, and silenced families.
But for foreign investors and governments, as long as ports stayed open, factories kept running, and the streets were cleared of protests, the bloodshed was an acceptable price.

Human Rights for Sale

Development Aid as Leverage, Not Accountability

• World Bank, IMF, and ADB loans kept flowing—no conditions imposed on ending state violence.
• Development aid was used as leverage to secure contracts and political favors, not to demand human rights accountability.
• Even the UN agencies, dependent on government goodwill for Rohingya access, largely avoided criticizing internal repression.

Closing Reflections: Betrayed by the World

For 15 years, Bangladeshis were betrayed twice:

• Once by their own government,
• And again by a world that refused to stand with them.

Their Blood Bought Nothing but Silence

• Students who died for democracy were abandoned.
• Workers who were shot for asking for a fair wage were ignored.
• Mothers who carried photographs of their disappeared sons found no audience outside their borders.

The World Watched Bangladesh Burn—and Looked Away

• The principles of freedom and justice stopped at Bangladesh’s borders.
• The global champions of democracy chose deals over dignity, trade over truth, and silence over solidarity.

And in that silence, the bullets kept flying.

The July Uprising: Where Fifteen Years of Blood and Betrayal Exploded

A Tragic Reckoning Long in the Making

It didn’t happen overnight.

The fires that burned through Bangladesh in July 2024, as tens of thousands rose up against the Awami League government, were not sudden.
They were the inevitable eruption of years of grief, years of broken families, mass graves, fear, and betrayal.
And when it came, it came with the force of fifteen years of silenced voices screaming at once.

The July Uprising was not just a political protest.
It was mourning turned into rage.

The Direct Connections: The Ghosts That Walked in July 2024

The Students Who Remembered Their Dead

• They remembered the boys shot dead at Shapla Square (2013), their bodies disappeared, their families silenced.
• They remembered the school children beaten and shot in the 2018 Road Safety protests, some blinded by rubber bullets, others never returning home.
• They remembered Nur-e-Alam, gunned down in Bhola (2022), and Mokbul Hossain, who died in Naya Paltan, his blood staining the pavement of Dhaka.

In July 2024, these students carried portraits of their dead friends. They scrawled their names on protest banners.
Their chants were not just about joblessness, corruption, or unfair elections—
They chanted:
“Their blood is our banner!”

The Workers Who Remembered Who Fired First

• They remembered Idris Ali, shot in Chittagong (2010) for demanding the minimum wage.
• They remembered the seven who died in Banshkhali (2016 and 2021), whose unpaid wages were answered with live rounds.
• They remembered Sumon Mia, shot while holding a placard that read “We Are Not Slaves.”

In July 2024, garment workers joined the uprising not just because inflation was unbearable, but because they carried their martyrs’ unfinished fight.
Many who took to the streets were the children of those killed, now grown, now angrier, now unafraid.

The Mothers Who Refused to Stay Silent

• The mothers of the disappeared, from Mamun in 2024 to the Shapla Square students in 2013,
• The widows of Chandan Murmu, killed in Gobindaganj (2016), and Delwar Hossain, gunned down in Banshkhali,
• The wives of Abdur Rahim (Bhola 2022) and Shaon (Munshiganj 2022).

These women who had once mourned quietly, warned by police not to speak, were now leading marches, holding photos of their sons, husbands, brothers.
They refused to pray in secret. They refused to weep behind closed doors.
In July 2024, they stood in front of the barricades, daring police to shoot again.

And they did.

The Indirect Connections: How Fifteen Years of Oppression Became Inevitable Revolution

A Generation Raised in Fear and Anger

• Children who had seen their fathers arrested, beaten, and disappeared had grown up.
• Youth who lived through the Aminbazar lynchings (2011), the Biswajit Das murder (2012), and Zubair Ahmed’s killing (2012) were now adults, many with nothing to lose.
• They were raised on memories of injustice, with no illusions left about elections, courts, or diplomacy.
  When they rose up in July 2024, they were not asking for mercy. They were demanding reckoning.

The Betrayal of Hope

• The Quota Reform Movement (2018) had ended in betrayal, as leaders were beaten, jailed, and denied jobs.
• The Road Safety Movement (2018) ended with students beaten by police and Chhatra League, then abandoned.
• Every time they tried peaceful protest, they were met with clubs, bullets, and lies.

By July 2024, they no longer believed in peaceful solutions.
The government had taught them:

• “You will die whether you are silent or shouting. So you may as well shout.”

Economic Injustice As Fuel for Fire

• The garment workers, tea laborers, and coal plant workers saw their wages eroded by inflation while the government boasted about record GDP growth.
• Land grab victims in Gobindaganj, Chittagong Hill Tracts, and Banshkhali were homeless, watching party officials grow rich.
• Development projects flooded villages, but left their people destitute.

By July 2024, people no longer believed in development. They saw it for what it was:

• Loot for the ruling party,
• Starvation for everyone else.

The Spark of July 2024 Was Lit Long Ago

Every student killed,
Every worker shot,
Every mother silenced,
Every protester disappeared,
Was a spark in a growing fire.

By July 2024, the fire was too big to be put out by tear gas, rubber bullets, or even live rounds.

The government’s bullets killed hundreds.
But it could not kill the reasons they stood up.

A Tragic and Heroic Reckoning

The July Uprising was not perfect. It was chaotic, desperate, and many paid with their lives.
But it was the first time in fifteen years that the people of Bangladesh said:
“Enough.”

They fought not because they wanted to, but because they had nothing left to lose.
They had spent fifteen years waiting for justice, only to receive gunfire.
So in July 2024, they gave the government what it had given them for fifteen years:
Fear.

The July Uprising and the Fall of a Regime

When Fifteen Years of Betrayal Came Crashing Down (July–August 2024)

Some said it was impossible.
For fifteen years, they said this regime was unshakeable, that no protest could topple it, that fear and control had cemented its power.

But they were wrong.

On August 5th, 2024, after two weeks of mass protests, strikes, and unrelenting defiance, the Awami League regime collapsed.

• The government that had ruled with an iron fist since 2009 fell under the weight of its own crimes, its own arrogance, and the righteous fury of the Bangladeshi people.
• Sheikh Hasina, once considered untouchable, was forced from power.
• The regime’s security forces, who had spent years killing workers, students, and farmers, fractured—some joining the people, others fleeing.
• The streets of Dhaka, Chittagong, Bhola, and Rajshahi—where protesters had bled for years—became the sites of jubilation, mourning, and reckoning.

“It Wasn’t only a Movement. It Was a Reckoning.”

Some call it a tragedy—because the price was high.

• Hundreds, maybe thousands, died in the streets.
• Entire communities were torn apart by the final crackdown.
• Families who had waited years for justice had to bury their dead without seeing them vindicated in life.

But no one can call it a failure.
Because on August 5th, 2024, the regime finally collapsed.
The July Uprising ended fifteen years of state terror, corruption, and brutality.

Direct and Indirect Ties to the Fall

Every story from 2009 to 2024 led to this:

• Shapla Square,
• Bhola,
• Banshkhali,
• Aminbazar,
• Gobindaganj,
• Munshiganj,
• Naya Paltan,
• And the Road Safety Movement.
  All those lives lost, hopes crushed, and protests betrayed came together in July 2024, a collective scream that the regime could no longer silence.

The Collapse: A Moment of Victory, A Lifetime of Work Ahead

The regime’s fall was the end of an era, but not the end of the fight.

• New leaders rose, but old wounds remained.
• Justice for the murdered, disappeared, and tortured was still unfinished business.
• Building democracy after fifteen years of fear and blood would be harder than tearing down the walls of repression.

But for the first time since 2009, Bangladesh stood free of tyranny.

 

Fifteen Years of Blood, Silence, and the Unfinished Fight for Justice in Bangladesh (2009–July 2024)

For fifteen years, Bangladesh’s rulers treated dissent as treason and the demand for rights as rebellion. In response to peaceful protests, they deployed bullets. To workers asking for fair wages, they sent battalions. And to grieving mothers, they offered silence or threats.

But the story of Bodies on the Streets: 15 Years of State Violence and Lost Lives in Bangladesh does not end here.
It cannot end here.

What Must Be Remembered

The Dead Deserve More Than Statistics

They were students, workers, teachers, mothers, and sons—human beings who believed Bangladesh could be better.

• They did not die of disease.
• They did not perish in natural disasters.
  They were killed by bullets, beaten to death, burned out of their homes, or disappeared by the state.

We must say their names. We must tell their stories. We must remember who they were, not how they died.

Repression Is Not Law and Order

For fifteen years, the Awami League regime hid behind the rhetoric of “development” and “stability.”
But no GDP figure can erase the images of:

• Children in school uniforms lying dead in the streets of Dhaka during the 2018 Road Safety protests
• Workers, fasting for Ramadan, shot dead while demanding their unpaid wages in Banshkhali
• Students, sitting in prayer, gunned down in Shapla Square

This was not stability. This was tyranny with a smiling mask.

Why Silence Is Complicity

The Global Community Must Be Held Accountable Too

Foreign governments, corporations, and institutions who enabled the regime, who looked away while Bangladeshis bled, are complicit.

• Every trade deal signed after a massacre
• Every loan approved after a protest crackdown
• Every invitation extended to those who gave the orders to shoot
  These were not neutral acts. They were endorsements.

The price of silence was paid in Bangladeshi lives.

The Fight for Justice Continues

It Did Not End in July 2024

The July Uprising of 2024, though crushed with blood and fire, proved one thing:
People still believe in justice.
They marched knowing they might die. And many did. But they marched anyway.

Voices Are Rising Again

• Families of the disappeared are demanding answers.
• Students are organizing underground.
• Workers are whispering their rage, ready to be heard.
  The fight is not over.
  The demand for justice is still alive.

What You Can Do (As Readers, As Witnesses)

• Tell their stories. Share the truth that the government and its allies buried.
• Refuse to be neutral. Neutrality in the face of injustice is siding with the oppressor.
• Demand accountability from those who stayed silent, those who profited, and those who pulled the trigger.
• Stand with the victims. Not because they are martyrs of a country, but because they are human beings who deserved life and dignity.

A Note of Warning: How to Know When the Government No Longer Serves You

Lessons from Bangladesh (2009–July 2024)

For fifteen years, Bangladesh drifted further and further from democracy, justice, and public service, sliding deep into authoritarian rule. The signs were there, flashing red, but many ignored them—some out of fear, others out of false hope.

As we look back on these years of state violence and broken promises, let this be a reminder:
There are always warning signs when a government stops working for the people and starts working against them.

Here are the symptoms every citizen should recognize before it’s too late.

1. When Peaceful Protest Is Labeled as “Terrorism”

• When students marching for safe roads are called “anarchists.”
• When garment workers demanding their wages are accused of “sabotage.”
• When madrasa students holding Qurans are branded “militants.”
  This is the government telling you:
  They no longer recognize your right to speak.
  They see you as the enemy.

2. When Law Enforcement Becomes a Private Army

• When police open fire on unarmed protesters but escort ruling party goons.
• When RAB and BGB become judge, jury, and executioner, carrying out extrajudicial killings with total impunity.
• When victims file cases and the investigators protect the killers—because they wear the same uniform.
  This is no longer law enforcement.
  This is state-sponsored terror.

3. When the Courts and Commissions Go Silent

• When the judiciary becomes a tool to jail opponents, not to deliver justice.
• When the Human Rights Commission issues statements of concern—but takes no action.
• When court verdicts protect the powerful and punish the powerless, with speedy trials for activists and delays for criminals in power.
  This is not justice.
  This is a rubber stamp for repression.

4. When the Media Becomes a Mouthpiece

• When newspapers and TV channels are shut down for asking questions.
• When editors are arrested, and journalists disappear after reporting the truth.
• When every channel says the same thing, every day:
  • “The government has brought peace.”
  • “The protesters are criminals.”
    That’s not journalism.
    That’s propaganda.
    And propaganda prepares people for slaughter.

5. When Your Phone and Social Media Are Used Against You

• When laws like the Digital Security Act are used to jail people for Facebook posts, not to protect them from cybercrime.
• When you’re afraid to speak in WhatsApp groups or like a post, because someone might report you.
• When the government spends more on surveillance software than on education or healthcare.
  This is not security.
  This is digital dictatorship.

6. When Elections Become Theatrical Performances

• When you already know the election result before voting day.
• When opposition candidates are jailed, attacked, or barred from campaigning.
• When you show up to vote and find someone else has already cast your ballot.
  Elections without choice are ceremonies, not democracy.
  The illusion of legitimacy can be as dangerous as a dictatorship with no mask.

7. When Public Resources Are Treated as Private Property

• When government contracts are awarded to the prime minister’s relatives or party cronies.
• When land grabs, illegal industries, and destructive mega-projects displace the poor and enrich the powerful.
• When rivers are sold, forests burned, and villages destroyed—all in the name of development.
  This isn’t progress.
  It’s plunder.

8. When Fear Is the National Language

• When no one speaks out because they’re afraid to be followed.
• When protests end before they start, because people remember the last crackdown.
• When funerals are held in secret, and families are warned:
  • “Mourn quietly, or there will be more deaths.”
    This is the ultimate victory of tyranny:
    A population too afraid to cry, let alone fight.

9. When The Only Path to Power Is Loyalty, Not Merit

• When the only way to get a job, promotion, or contract is by showing allegiance to the ruling party.
• When universities, courts, and state institutions become party offices.
• When talented people leave the country, and corrupt people rise to the top.
  This is how nations wither—not in revolution, but in rotting from within.

10. When You’re Told to Be Grateful for Not Being Dead

• When the government boasts about “peace,” while graves fill with students, workers, and activists.
• When you are told things could be worse if it weren’t for the benevolence of those in power.
• When you are taught to thank the state for sparing you, while they kill your neighbor.
  That’s not peace.
  That’s the quiet of fear.

A Final Reminder: You Will Know When It Happens Again

Bangladesh has seen these signs before.

• In 1975, when democracy was snuffed out.
• In 2007, under emergency rule.
• And from 2009 to 2024, when power dressed itself in elections, but ruled through violence.

If you see these signs again—and you will—
Do not be silent.
Do not wait for someone else.
Because by the time you realize you are the last voice left, they may already have their hand on your throat.

 

Final Words

For fifteen years, Bangladesh was soaked in blood. The streets of Dhaka, Narayanganj, Bhola, Banshkhali, Gobindaganj—each stained with the memory of those who died asking for justice.
But their blood is not forgotten. Their struggle was not in vain.
And their stories are not over.

Because as long as we remember, as long as we fight for them, they live on.